So far no Angolan officials have been indicted in the trial which will focus on whether French nationals broke French law relating to arms-trafficking and bribery. Demands by the Angolan government's lawyers for the case to be dismissed, arguing that the trial could reveal sensitive military and diplomatic secrets which would constitute an attack on Angola's sovereignty, have been ignored. The investigation has proved hugely embarrassing to the Angolan government, with numerous allegations of bribe-taking and shady dealings by Angolan officials, including the Angolan president himself, Josй Eduardo dos Santos, as well as key figures from his administration, such as his chief of military affairs, General Helder Vieira Dias "Kopelipa", the former Angolan ambassador to Paris, Elísio de Figueiredo, and the former cabinet director, Josй Leitão da Costa. Oil and gas interests The long-running investigation has contributed to a disastrous period in Franco-Angolan relations. The French government has long been eager to improve its relations with sub-Saharan Africa's emerging power, which since early 2008 has overtaken Nigeria as Africa's largest crude exporter. Outraged at the steady stream of embarrassing revelations, and frustrated by the French government's inability to keep a lid on the investigation, the Angolan government has shown its displeasure by threatening the interests of the largest French company in Angola, the oil multinational, Total. In 2004 the government refused to renew Total's licence for shallow-water Block 3/80, and in 2005 it forced the company to relinquish unexplored acreages in its prolific ultra-deepwater Block 17, where the company has made some of the richest discoveries in the region, forcing it to rebid for the block and relinquish some of its Angolan assets in return. The recent start of the trial has made Total's Angolan operations the most likely victims of the production cut promised by the government to OPEC last month, and could fatally undermine Total's chances of securing acreage in the so-called "ultra-ultra deepwater" blocks that are due to be auctioned in 2009, where the future of oil production in the Gulf of Guinea is likely to lie once the fields in Angola's ultra-deepwater area have been exhausted.

 Offshore Conscious of the vulnerability of French interests in Angola, the French government has done its best to limit the damage caused by the Angolagate trial. Mr Falcone's lawyers have argued for a mistrial, citing a letter from the French defence minister, Hervй Morin, which states that in the French government's opinion no arms-trafficking had occurred, as the weaponry did not touch French soil. Mr Sarkozy has also launched a charm offensive, making his first official visit to Angola in May where he pledged to draw a line under previous misunderstandings, and inviting President Dos Santos to make a return visit to Paris next April. Mr Sarkozy has also reportedly assured Mr Dos Santos that Angolan officials will not see their reputations besmirched any further. However, the French government's influence over the French judiciary, which is fiercely protective of its independence, remains weak. Despite legal challenges by Mr Falcone's and the Angolan government's legal teams, the presiding judge, Jean-Baptiste Parlos, has insisted on pressing ahead with the cross-examinations, prompting a relentless stream of embarrassing revelations. Mr Falcone, who is currently in prison serving a sentence for an unrelated charge of tax evasion, will come under intense scrutiny during the trial, although he is expected to defend the Angolan government's reputation as it has gone out of its way to protect him from prosecution, in 2003 appointing him Angola’s ambassador to UNESCO (even though he is not an Angolan citizen) in a bid to grant him diplomatic immunity. Gaydamak appearance? Mr Falcone's alleged accomplice, Mr Gaydamak, was not expected to give evidence at the trial, as he is currently living in Israel, where he stood unsuccessfully in the Jerusalem mayoral election on November 11th, and cannot be extradited. However, in late October Mr Gaydamak announced that he would fly to Paris after the mayoral election had taken place to give evidence at the trial. This has greatly increased the stakes in the Angolagate trial as his revelations could prove immensely damaging to the Angolan government, especially as he is believed to have fallen out of favour with Mr Dos Santos. With the French government's credibility with Luanda hanging by a thread, Mr Gaydamak's revelations could also deliver the fatal blow to Mr Sarkozy's painstaking rapprochement with the Angolan government, and with a verdict expected in early March, a last-minute postponement of Mr Dos Santos's visit in April is increasingly likely.